為董玉娣女生平反：http://www.petitiononline.com/girltyt/petition.html
你的簽名支持，不單為了這位女生，也是為了香港的言論自由。當今天我們不為下一代爭取言論自由的空間，他日若我們被「批鬥」，下一代更不懂得什麼是言論自由。
呼籲：藍天蔚沒有參與討論區的習慣，所以在眾多討論區都沒有account。如各位不介意，請將這個請願的消息登在討論區傳開去，讓更多人有機會從言論自由這邊去想想整件事件，謝謝。
今天我得知，女學生除了要記大過，還要做社會服務同要在學校早會上公開道歉。我不禁要問，到底這位妹妹犯了什麼錯，要被學校迫令在全校面前認錯？陳冠希也不過開個記者會而已。那麼請問要不要跪玻璃？因為說了一些不中聽的說話，所以要被公開羞辱？去年才發生了李柱銘的奧運事件，今天連一個妹妹說幾句不合心意的話，又要跪玻璃了？
大家看看原文那篇東西，大家問一問自己，有沒有這麼想過？
香港人怎樣歧視大陸人？我說沒有也沒有人信。你有沒有曾幾何時，在街上見到大陸人，露出不滿的神色、顯出歧視的目光、為了別人不要誤認自己也是大陸人而與大陸人保持距離、在大陸人背後罵大陸人、笑大陸人的衣著、嫌棄大陸人說話大聲......？我相信，十之八九的香港人都有這樣的感覺、想法、行為......強烈與否或者不同，但或多或少，必有。
不要說土生土長的香港人，有一次，筆者與十歲才從大陸來港讀書的新移民晩飯。她很努力，入了本港一間好大學，畢了業有一份好的工作，現在住在九龍的昂貴地段。但是她卻指大陸人來香港為了拿福利。這位朋友，自小也是住在公屋，只差沒有領綜援，自己也拿房屋福利，有什麼資格罵大陸人拿福利？而且自己也曾經是大陸移民。
香港人，有哪一個沒有歧視過大陸人？藍天蔚肯定的告訴大家，我有歧視過大陸人。那種歧視是一種文化的歧視多於金錢的歧視。大家辛苦建立香港，習慣了一種文化，愛上香港的文化，不喜歡外來人破壞香港的習慣，如此而已，沒有什麼大不了。香港人到外國也一樣被歧視，理由相同，因為大量香港人入侵別國，令他們平靜的生活受影響。中國人有說入鄉隨俗，是我們不對。
妹妹反映的，只不過是香港人普遍對大陸人的觀感，但她選了錯的時間去發表她的言論。你們哪一個沒有歧視過大陸人，才比較有資格批鬥妹妹。
這位可愛的妹妹只有十二、三歲，在香港，這個年紀正處反叛期，更不知何謂家國情懷，自幼也沒有見到慘事，不懂得傷心有什麼出奇？
好了，即是她是「冷血」、不愛國，但這也只不過是一個道德判斷。難道我們的社會不是法治社會？為什麼學校可以按學生的道德取態，而決定懲罰一個學生？一個支持同性戀的同學，在天主教學校讀書，一旦與老師辯論同性戀問題，是不是又要冒著被趕出校的風險？
我敢問董玉娣中學的張家邦校長，過去十年，董玉娣中學，有多次個犯了過錯的同學，要在早會上向全校師生道歉？他們犯了什麼校規而要受這樣的懲罰呢？你有沒有想過，這個懲罰，與這位學生所「犯」的「過失」，是不是成比例呢？她不單被揭露了在什麼學校讀書，還被人將相片上網，這不是批鬥是什麼？學校校長為何不是維護學生的利益，而是助紂為虐？
雖然時間過得很快，但是我們每一位，應該不會忘記二零零三年香港為什麼會發生沙士。那是因為大陸沒有言論自由，沒有人知道發生了疫症，香港政府當時也隱暪了疫情。疫症爆發令三百多人失去生命。你七一的時候，有沒有穿黑衣走到街上抗議？你有沒有因為兩地政府隱瞞疫情而憤怒過？當時大家不是都已經明白，言論自由不單涉及表達意見的權利，原來還涉及市民寶貴的生命？
今天因為奧運，你們是不是都忘記了言論自由的重要性？所以李柱銘可以被任意羞辱？這位毫無議價能力的妹妹也可以任意被你們羞辱？想一想，如果有一天輪到了你，你會不會後悔今天沒有捍衛妹妹的言論自由？
其他相關網頁：
無神論者的巴別塔：董玉娣中學女生以言論入罪
庫斯克的床 kursk's bed：涼薄網誌女生記大過事件
Alone in the Fart：去信為「冷血」少女平反
1-555-Confide：不反對通知書
2008年5月28日 星期三
2007年10月28日 星期日
北京奧運標誌的象徵意義
在facebook上看見的，不知是哪一位有創意的漫畫家的作品。剛看TVB曾鈺成回應馬丁指抹黑的是有組織的行動，曾指，因為馬丁自己在立法會講，所有他是組織者。這種荒謬的邏輯也能說出口，他真的是在港大讀數學出身的嗎？
幸好，香港還有陳日君。
Hong Kong democrat denies promoting Olympic boycott - 英國報章也報導
http://sport.guardian.co.uk/breakingnews/feedstory/0,,-7026424,00.html
HONG KONG, Oct 26 (Reuters) - Veteran Hong Kong democracy campaigner Martin Lee denied on Friday that he favoured a boycott of the Beijing Olympics, after coming under attack for urging the United States to use the event to press China on human rights.
HONG KONG, Oct 26 (Reuters) - Veteran Hong Kong democracy campaigner Martin Lee denied on Friday that he favoured a boycott of the Beijing Olympics, after coming under attack for urging the United States to use the event to press China on human rights.
Lee came in for a barrage of criticism from pro-Beijing politicians after he published an article in the Wall Street Journal on Oct. 18 entitled "China's Olympics Opportunity".
In the piece, Lee called on U.S. President George W. Bush to: "use the next 10 months to press for a significant improvement of basic human rights in my country, including press, assembly and religious freedoms.
"How does it profit our nation if it wins gold medals but suffers from the continued absence of democracy, human rights and the rule of law?" the article said.
Pro-Beijing politicians seized on the comments, saying Lee was inviting foreign interference in China's internal affairs.
Hong Kong's number two official, Chief Secretary Henry Tang, told reporters: "I don't think we should politicise the Olympics."
The sentiments echoed comments last week by Chinese President Hu Jintao, who said he opposed attempts by "external forces" to meddle in Hong Kong's business.
Lee said he was merely echoing calls by Beijing officials for human rights improvements from the Games.
"I totally fail to understand how any sensible person reading this article in its entirety could have any criticism of it," Lee told Reuters, insisting he wanted to see a successful Olympics.
"This is a conspiracy with elections coming up, the (pro-Beijing politicians) are trying to generate nationalism and patriotism to try and get some votes," the founding chairman of the Democratic Party added.
Two tabloid newspapers on Friday carried identical front page headlines denouncing Lee's "frenzied betrayal of country".
"No matter what excuses (Lee) makes, I think it's useless. What he should do is frankly admit he said something inaccurate, and express some attitude of contrition," said Tam Yiu-chung, chairman of the DAB -- Hong Kong's biggest pro-Beijing party.
China's Olympic Opportunity - 李柱銘刊登在華爾街日報的文章
香港大陸化是遲到的事, 只是沒有想到這麼快.
這篇也賣國? 幸好廿三條還未立法.
When President George W. Bush accepted President Hu Jintao's invitation to attend the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing, Mr. Bush's press secretary said that he was going to the Games as "a sports fan, not to make any political statement." I too am a great sports fan -- especially of the Soccer World Cup -- but I would encourage President Bush to take a broader vision of the possibilities for the Beijing Games. He should use the next 10 months to press for a significant improvement of basic human rights in my country, including press, assembly and religious freedoms.
This should be possible, since Chinese leaders have promised to make these improvements anyway. In their pledges to the International Olympic Committee while bidding for the Games and since, China's leaders at all levels repeatedly assured the world that they would use the Games to go beyond improving the country's physical infrastructure.
"By applying for the Olympics, we want to promote not just the city's development, but the development of society, including democracy and human rights," one of China's key Olympic figures, Deputy Mayor Liu Jingmin, told the Washington Post in 2001. Then, Mr. Liu said, "If people have a target like the Olympics to strive for, it will help us establish a more just and harmonious society, a more democratic society, and help integrate China into the world."
I couldn't agree more. But instead of the hoped-for reforms, the Chinese government appears to be backsliding on its promises, including in Hong Kong where we have near total political paralysis, not the promised road to full democracy. That is no reason to give up on the prospects for reform in China. But it is reason to step up the direct engagement on these pressing issues.
In accepting the invitation to attend China's Games, President Bush said this would be "a moment where China's leaders can use the opportunity to show confidence by demonstrating a commitment to greater openness and tolerance." Instead of a "moment" of change, China needs structural and long-term reforms: placing the Communist Party under the rule of law, unshackling the media and Internet, allowing religious adherents to freely practice their faiths, ceasing harassment of civil-society groups that work on AIDS and the environment, and addressing modest calls for accountability in the political system. Mr. Bush and other world leaders planning to attend the Olympics should not wait for the opening ceremony, but must start now with sustained efforts to achieve this agenda.
One reason for optimism about the possibilities for progress in China is recent Olympic history. When South Korea bid for the 1988 Games, the country was a military dictatorship. Due in good part to the prospects for embarrassment and international engagement, the Olympics helped kick off an overdue peaceful political transformation in South Korea just six months before the launch of the Seoul Games. Since then, South Korea has endured as one of Asia's most stable and vital democracies. The parallels between South Korea and China are not exact, but the lesson is that the Olympics certainly present an opening to raise these issues in the context of the Chinese government's own promises.
In the U.S. and elsewhere, there are campaigns to boycott the Beijing Games over the Chinese government's trade with and support for regimes in Sudan and Burma. As a Chinese person, I would encourage backers of these efforts to consider the positive effects Olympic exposure could still have in China, including scrutiny by the world's journalists. This is certainly the time for Chinese leaders to step up and constructively use their clout in Asia and Africa. In so doing, Beijing should open a new chapter of responsible foreign policy and convince the world it is not oblivious to these issues.
Chinese people around the world are proud that China will host the Games. China has the world's fastest growing economy, and may indeed put on history's most impressive Olympic Games next August. But how does it profit our nation if it wins gold medals but suffers from the continued absence of democracy, human rights and the rule of law?
It is my hope that the Games could have a catalytic effect on the domestic and foreign policies of the Chinese government, and that the Chinese people will remember the Games long after they are held -- not merely for medals won, but also because they were a turning point for human rights and the rule of law in China. That would be something worth cheering.
By Martin Lee
這篇也賣國? 幸好廿三條還未立法.
When President George W. Bush accepted President Hu Jintao's invitation to attend the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing, Mr. Bush's press secretary said that he was going to the Games as "a sports fan, not to make any political statement." I too am a great sports fan -- especially of the Soccer World Cup -- but I would encourage President Bush to take a broader vision of the possibilities for the Beijing Games. He should use the next 10 months to press for a significant improvement of basic human rights in my country, including press, assembly and religious freedoms.
This should be possible, since Chinese leaders have promised to make these improvements anyway. In their pledges to the International Olympic Committee while bidding for the Games and since, China's leaders at all levels repeatedly assured the world that they would use the Games to go beyond improving the country's physical infrastructure.
"By applying for the Olympics, we want to promote not just the city's development, but the development of society, including democracy and human rights," one of China's key Olympic figures, Deputy Mayor Liu Jingmin, told the Washington Post in 2001. Then, Mr. Liu said, "If people have a target like the Olympics to strive for, it will help us establish a more just and harmonious society, a more democratic society, and help integrate China into the world."
I couldn't agree more. But instead of the hoped-for reforms, the Chinese government appears to be backsliding on its promises, including in Hong Kong where we have near total political paralysis, not the promised road to full democracy. That is no reason to give up on the prospects for reform in China. But it is reason to step up the direct engagement on these pressing issues.
In accepting the invitation to attend China's Games, President Bush said this would be "a moment where China's leaders can use the opportunity to show confidence by demonstrating a commitment to greater openness and tolerance." Instead of a "moment" of change, China needs structural and long-term reforms: placing the Communist Party under the rule of law, unshackling the media and Internet, allowing religious adherents to freely practice their faiths, ceasing harassment of civil-society groups that work on AIDS and the environment, and addressing modest calls for accountability in the political system. Mr. Bush and other world leaders planning to attend the Olympics should not wait for the opening ceremony, but must start now with sustained efforts to achieve this agenda.
One reason for optimism about the possibilities for progress in China is recent Olympic history. When South Korea bid for the 1988 Games, the country was a military dictatorship. Due in good part to the prospects for embarrassment and international engagement, the Olympics helped kick off an overdue peaceful political transformation in South Korea just six months before the launch of the Seoul Games. Since then, South Korea has endured as one of Asia's most stable and vital democracies. The parallels between South Korea and China are not exact, but the lesson is that the Olympics certainly present an opening to raise these issues in the context of the Chinese government's own promises.
In the U.S. and elsewhere, there are campaigns to boycott the Beijing Games over the Chinese government's trade with and support for regimes in Sudan and Burma. As a Chinese person, I would encourage backers of these efforts to consider the positive effects Olympic exposure could still have in China, including scrutiny by the world's journalists. This is certainly the time for Chinese leaders to step up and constructively use their clout in Asia and Africa. In so doing, Beijing should open a new chapter of responsible foreign policy and convince the world it is not oblivious to these issues.
Chinese people around the world are proud that China will host the Games. China has the world's fastest growing economy, and may indeed put on history's most impressive Olympic Games next August. But how does it profit our nation if it wins gold medals but suffers from the continued absence of democracy, human rights and the rule of law?
It is my hope that the Games could have a catalytic effect on the domestic and foreign policies of the Chinese government, and that the Chinese people will remember the Games long after they are held -- not merely for medals won, but also because they were a turning point for human rights and the rule of law in China. That would be something worth cheering.
By Martin Lee
2007年10月27日 星期六
同一個世界！同一個夢想？
親共報章周四以頭條和數版篇幅批評──不是報道──李柱銘議員十月十七日在《華爾街日報》的文章，指他「引入外部勢力干預」。報章「節錄」李的文章時，卻刪去原文引述○一年北京副市長劉敬民，向《華盛頓郵報》承諾藉申辦奧運促進國家發展包括人權和民主的原文。套用特區「不提就等於不存在」的理論，親共報章是否正否定國家官員先前的承諾呢？
講「和諧」是領導的專利
中國的人權狀況如何？講「和諧」是領導人的專利，人民不准講──因為幽默的中國網民將被過濾、刪除的網絡資訊戲稱為「被和諧了」，現在只能講「河蟹」。天主徒要躲在地下會參加活動；推動社會關注河南省輸血和賣血散佈愛滋病的高耀潔醫生長年被軟禁；內地記者師濤試圖打破政府對六四的新聞封鎖，結果被指洩漏國家機密，判十年監禁。中國人權顯然還停留在「吃飯就是基本人權」的水平，而政府保障人權的工作，就是讓每個人有飯開。至於民主，不用說了吧！
曾鈺成批評，李柱銘撰文促請民主國家關注中國民主和人權發展，是「邀請外部勢力干預」，筆者提醒他，按照他的邏輯：八九六四屠城前後，曾鈺成登報呼籲共產黨「不可武力鎮壓學生運動」；他又與譚耀宗促請共產黨「停止搜捕不同政見人士、解除新聞封鎖」等，更參加支聯會舉辦的「民主歌聲獻中華」活動，籌款支援北京學運。在中共而言，這些行動簡直是「赤裸裸的策劃及進行推翻人民民主專政的政府」，理應關到秦城監獄！曾鈺成和譚耀宗今天能生存，還當了立法會議員，因為他們當時身在香港這片自由土地，而不是在大陸。他們今天卻企圖縮減香港的言論自由，可說是忘恩負義之徒！
如果與外國人說幾句話，便是「邀請外部勢力干預」，胡錦濤訪美，還私下「勾結」壟斷電腦業的微軟主席蓋茨這個全球首富是甚麼呢？甚麼是媚外、干預？對於土共來說，提及民主和人權就是，但游說美國國會議員支持繼續給予中國「最惠國待遇」的行動，就會獲親共報章「恩准」剔出「媚外」名單！
九三年北京申辦千禧奧運前夕，西方輿論強烈批評中國人權狀況，大陸政府便釋放魏京生，申奧失敗後再拘捕他；○一年北京再次申奧，三月連續釋放了數個被囚的八九學運領袖，還急急在人大通過國際人權公約中的「經濟社會及文化權利公約」。如果西方國家藉中國申辦奧運批評中國人權問題是「干預」、「政治化」，為何當時大陸政府沒有退出申奧？為何香港土共，沒有「痛擊外國勢力」到各國領事館擲石抗議？可見甚麼算「媚外」、「干預」、「施壓」，土共擁抱的是雙重標準。
如果大陸誠心推行民主、保障人權，即使全世界聯合起來促請中國發展民主，領袖或許會感到壓力──恐怕有負人民期望──但不應感到憤怒，因為那也是他們的目標和夢想。
《國王的新衣》的孩子
李柱銘只是《國王的新衣》的孩子，問了身邊的成年人「為甚麼國王沒有穿衣服」一句實話，便遭到國王的侍從集體言語批鬥。李柱銘只是寫了篇文章，便遭瘋狂圍剿：十月廿六日，全港報章共有接近一百篇文章提及李柱銘，大部份批評他，但他甘冒土共圍剿說出「國王沒有穿衣服」，全港智商八十以上的人都應敬重他。
今次北京奧運會的口號是「同一個世界．同一個夢想」。我們與十三億中國人，身處同一個世界，但何時能實現同一個夢：生活在一個可以講真話而不會被關進牢獄的世界？
講「和諧」是領導的專利
中國的人權狀況如何？講「和諧」是領導人的專利，人民不准講──因為幽默的中國網民將被過濾、刪除的網絡資訊戲稱為「被和諧了」，現在只能講「河蟹」。天主徒要躲在地下會參加活動；推動社會關注河南省輸血和賣血散佈愛滋病的高耀潔醫生長年被軟禁；內地記者師濤試圖打破政府對六四的新聞封鎖，結果被指洩漏國家機密，判十年監禁。中國人權顯然還停留在「吃飯就是基本人權」的水平，而政府保障人權的工作，就是讓每個人有飯開。至於民主，不用說了吧！
曾鈺成批評，李柱銘撰文促請民主國家關注中國民主和人權發展，是「邀請外部勢力干預」，筆者提醒他，按照他的邏輯：八九六四屠城前後，曾鈺成登報呼籲共產黨「不可武力鎮壓學生運動」；他又與譚耀宗促請共產黨「停止搜捕不同政見人士、解除新聞封鎖」等，更參加支聯會舉辦的「民主歌聲獻中華」活動，籌款支援北京學運。在中共而言，這些行動簡直是「赤裸裸的策劃及進行推翻人民民主專政的政府」，理應關到秦城監獄！曾鈺成和譚耀宗今天能生存，還當了立法會議員，因為他們當時身在香港這片自由土地，而不是在大陸。他們今天卻企圖縮減香港的言論自由，可說是忘恩負義之徒！
如果與外國人說幾句話，便是「邀請外部勢力干預」，胡錦濤訪美，還私下「勾結」壟斷電腦業的微軟主席蓋茨這個全球首富是甚麼呢？甚麼是媚外、干預？對於土共來說，提及民主和人權就是，但游說美國國會議員支持繼續給予中國「最惠國待遇」的行動，就會獲親共報章「恩准」剔出「媚外」名單！
九三年北京申辦千禧奧運前夕，西方輿論強烈批評中國人權狀況，大陸政府便釋放魏京生，申奧失敗後再拘捕他；○一年北京再次申奧，三月連續釋放了數個被囚的八九學運領袖，還急急在人大通過國際人權公約中的「經濟社會及文化權利公約」。如果西方國家藉中國申辦奧運批評中國人權問題是「干預」、「政治化」，為何當時大陸政府沒有退出申奧？為何香港土共，沒有「痛擊外國勢力」到各國領事館擲石抗議？可見甚麼算「媚外」、「干預」、「施壓」，土共擁抱的是雙重標準。
如果大陸誠心推行民主、保障人權，即使全世界聯合起來促請中國發展民主，領袖或許會感到壓力──恐怕有負人民期望──但不應感到憤怒，因為那也是他們的目標和夢想。
《國王的新衣》的孩子
李柱銘只是《國王的新衣》的孩子，問了身邊的成年人「為甚麼國王沒有穿衣服」一句實話，便遭到國王的侍從集體言語批鬥。李柱銘只是寫了篇文章，便遭瘋狂圍剿：十月廿六日，全港報章共有接近一百篇文章提及李柱銘，大部份批評他，但他甘冒土共圍剿說出「國王沒有穿衣服」，全港智商八十以上的人都應敬重他。
今次北京奧運會的口號是「同一個世界．同一個夢想」。我們與十三億中國人，身處同一個世界，但何時能實現同一個夢：生活在一個可以講真話而不會被關進牢獄的世界？
訂閱：
文章 (Atom)
發表文章
